Showing posts with label Rhode Island. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Rhode Island. Show all posts

Monday, February 12, 2024

Hertz/Thrifty takes reservations for cars it doesn't have, stranding customers; worse, that's the business model

I've been locked in pre-litigation combat with Hertz Corp. for almost a year, and I'm tapping out.

The problem is simple: The Thrifty Car Rental (Thrifty is a Hertz company) at Memphis Airport (MEM) has been renting cars that it doesn't have. Customers get stranded for hours, until a car comes in, rolling the problem forward. And Hertz is OK with it.

Frustrated Thrifty customers wait hours for cars in Memphis (Mar. 2023).
There's not even seating.
RJ Peltz-Steele CC BY-NC-SA 4.0

Here's a rough timeline.

March 2023: I show up for a car rental in Memphis with a time-sensitive work schedule. They're "out of cars." Lots of people are milling about in the same predicament.  Hours later, I get a car, not before my work plans are screwed up. A check of online reviews reveals that this is business as usual for Thrifty MEM.

Later March 2023: I complain to Thrifty and the Tennessee AG and ask for just one day's refund and that the deceptive practice be abated.

May-June 2023: Hertz Executive Customer Service reaches out to offer $50 off a future rental and pledges that what I experienced is not Hertz/Thrifty's normal mode of business. In exchange for the coupon and assurance, I drop the matter with the Tennessee AG.

October 2023: I discover that the $50-off coupon is a sham.  The coupon can only be redeemed at the rental counter.  Premium for paying at the rental counter: $50.  I ask the Tennessee AG to reopen the matter. 

Also October 2023: I investigate online reviews of Thrifty MEM and discover that they still are renting cars they don't have, leaving customers stranded for hours or longer. I report my finding to the Tennessee AG. The Tennessee AG suggests I also report the matter to Hertz's home jurisdiction, Florida. So I forward the report to the Florida AG.

November 2023: In response to my reopening of the settlement with the Tennessee AG, Hertz says take a hike. The Tennessee AG closes the matter, because, you know, what can you do.

December 2023: I send Hertz a demand letter, alerting the company that sending a sham coupon to a Rhode Island resident and knowingly doubling down on the sham renders the company liable for treble statutory damages of $1,500 under R.I. consumer protection law.

January 2024: Hertz gives me 1,900 "Gold Plus Rewards" points for one day's car rental, in place of the $50 coupon.  I find out the points are just as useless when I need a rental from IAD to BWI; points can't be used on one-way rentals.  Meanwhile, Hertz replies angrily to my report to the Florida AG, accusing me of seeking unjust enrichment by complaining in multiple states. Oh, and Hertz tells me again to go take a hike.

That brings us to today.


Feb. 12, 2024

Hertz Corp. d/b/a Thrifty Rental Car
Attn.: General Counsel
8501 Williams Rd.
Estero, Fla. 33928

Open Letter

Dear sir or madam:

I write in regard to the matter originating in a car rental reservation with Thrifty at the Memphis International Airport on March 28, 2023; your subsequent proffer of a sham coupon for a subsequent Thrifty rental; my demand of Dec. 17, 2023, for compensation accordingly under Rhode Island consumer protection law; and your subsequent award of 1,900 “Gold Plus Rewards” points.

I accept your award of the points in abeyance of my demand.  I have grave doubts that the points are of any use to me.  I already have discovered that I could not use them for a one-way rental from IAD to BWI; they cannot be redeemed on one-way rentals.  And I don’t foresee a need in the future for a one-day car rental anywhere, certainly not before the points expire.  Nevertheless, I choose to see the award as a gesture of good faith.

In return, I ask just one more thing of you:  Hear me out on the following points.

(1) I never wanted from you money, coupons, or points.  I demanded the sum of only one day’s rental cost as nominal and symbolic. What I really wanted was simply that you stop your Memphis MEM Thrifty provider from accepting car reservations for cars they do not have, leaving customers stranded.  Ms. Walsh of Hertz Executive Customer Service wrote that that was not the business practice of Hertz and Thrifty (nor, one presumes, Dollar). That assurance was false. My investigation of online reviews revealed that the deceptive practice continued unabated at MEM. I subsequently rented from another company at MEM and saw the usual crowd of distressed travelers camped out at the Thrifty counter. Shame on you.

(2) A “$50 off”-at-the-counter coupon when you charge $50 more for transactions at the counter is a sham, plain and simple.  I reiterate, I didn’t want your coupon.  I would’ve dropped the matter if you simply abated the deceptive practice.  I decided to redeem the coupon only when it became clear that you were determined to continue to allow deception in your business at MEM.  Even to buy me off, you could not even make an honest offer. Shame on you.

(3) I informed the Tennessee and Florida AGs of the ongoing deceptive business practice at MEM.  Authorities should be informed, even if, as usual, they do nothing.  I forwarded the notice to the Florida AG only because the Tennessee AG bid me do so.  I did not ask for anything in Florida; I did not want dispute resolution in Florida.  The Florida AG, whether for incompetence or willful indifference, entered the notice into a private-dispute resolution system. Ms. Walsh responded in Florida with something like outrage that I had dared to complain about you in another jurisdiction. Let’s be clear: Your MEM provider was engaged in a deceptive business practice.  I notified civil enforcement authorities in that jurisdiction.  They urged me to notify civil enforcement authorities in Hertz’s home jurisdiction. So I did. I asked for nothing from or in Florida. Don’t accuse me of some kind of profiteering off of your poor choices.

You know as well as I do that you can get away with deception at MEM, and anywhere else you want to, and with your profound commitment to stick your head in the sand about it only because antitrust and consumer protection enforcement in your industry is a joke.  I wish I could say I’ll never rent again from Hertz companies. But of course I will. I won’t have a choice.

I understand how you get away with deception and subterfuge, but what I cannot understand is why.  It would be so easy simply to run an honest business.  Don’t accept reservations for cars you don’t have.  Don’t tell customers you’re doing one thing and do another.  If you give someone $50 off, give someone $50 off.  I’m sure Hertz is big and successful enough to stay in business without relying on deception.

Is it really so hard just to be honest?

Sincerely,

/s/ Rick J. Peltz-Steele

Cc: [Ms. Walsh]; [Tenn. AG]; [R.I. AG]; [Fla. AG]

Sunday, February 11, 2024

Daggett discovered higher ed, world in senior life

Olive Daggett, 1927-2023
Legacy.com
Olive Daggett died on December 21, 2023, at the age of 96.

Olive was a friend, a leader in my church, and an astounding human being. Her passing was marked at Legacy.com and by The Providence Journal. Her memorial service last weekend at Barrington Baptist Church in Rhode Island is posted at Vimeo.

I memorialize Olive here at The Savory Tort because she was inspiriting in ways especially relevant to my personal and professional interests in education and internationalism.

For 40 years, Olive had a full life and worked a career in accounting for AT&T in New Jersey. Yet she had another life ahead, even before the eternal one. After retiring, she moved to Rhode Island. And then she enrolled at the University of Rhode Island and earned a four-year bachelor's degree.

Moreover, in the course of her university studies, as a senior, Olive studied abroad. She discovered a love for the world, twice studying in England and traveling on the continent. At Barrington Baptist Church, Olive gravitated to foreign missions. She became the church's missions secretary and coordinated missionary efforts globally for decades.

Faintly visible in the ProJo photograph, a pink- or purple-dyed streak ran through Olive's silver hair. Pastor Scotty Neasbitt recounted that Olive adopted the color in part to help her relate to youth in the church. Either it worked or she never needed any help; she was adored by all ages. Something about her genial character and zest for life made her transcendent of generations.

My wife and I were fortunate to have been able to visit with Olive when she was in hospice care in December. She was her usual jovial self. Secure in her faith, she had no fear of her mortal end. In so many ways, she was, and for all who remember her will remain, an inspiration.

Thursday, September 28, 2023

Injured contractor finds no award in ruling spanning worker comp, premises liability, conflict of law

Roof collapsed by snow (illustrative; not this case).
Richard Allaway via Flickr CC BY 2.0
A worker hired to remedy a dangerous property condition could not rely on the known danger to recover against the landowner, the Massachusetts Appeals Court held in mid-September.

On that distinctive fact pattern, the court's thorough opinion gave textbook treatment to issues in worker compensation, conflict of law, and premises liability.

The defendant Massachusetts landowner hired a Rhode Island home improvement company to raze a garage collapsed by snow. Hired in turn by the company, the plaintiff found the garage in its dilapidated state and expressed reservations about safety. As the plaintiff inspected the structure, it further collapsed and pinned him, inflicting bilateral fractures to both legs.

The plaintiff ultimately recovered $19,000 from R.I. worker comp. For further recovery, he sued the company, the company principal, and the landowner. The Appeals Court affirmed dismissal for all defendants.

Worker compensation scope: Worker comp covers employees, not independent contractors. R.I. worker comp initially rejected plaintiff's claim on the grounds that he was an independent contractor rather than an employee. Later evidence indicated that the plaintiff might have signed a document acknowledging status as an independent contractor. Nevertheless, the plaintiff sued over the question. The worker comp system settled for $19,000.

The exclusion of independent contractors from worker comp renders a significant gap in the American social safety net. Highly regulated industries might require that independent contractors self-insure. But a legion of workers, especially in the gig economy, works in a gray area with no contingency for catastrophic loss. The situation is worsened by industry's increased reliance on, and sometimes exploitation of, independent contractors, facilitated in part by the post-pandemic upswing in remote work.

America's runaway healthcare costs and lack of universal medical insurance compound the independent contractor's woes when injury does occur. I imagine that $19,000 did not come close to covering the plaintiff's bills for such serious injury. Plaintiff's attorney fees must be accounted for as well. The plaintiff here might have acknowledged contractor status and aimed for a better settlement against an insurer, if available, for the company or homeowner. That would have been a gamble. The top takeaway for contractors or their attorneys is that self-insurance is a necessary cost of doing business.

Worker compensation bar: One who recovers in worker comp surrenders tort claims against the employer and its agents. The fundamental premise of worker comp is that it supersedes, so bars, tort claims. The plaintiff tried to augment the worker comp recovery by suing the company principal and the landowner. The plaintiff also sued the company itself upon a theory that did not pan out on the facts, that misrepresentation of the condition of the property vitiated the worker comp bar.

The plaintiff's claim necessarily failed against the company principal. The worker comp bar naturally extends to the agents of the employer, besides the company. Employers usually—though not necessarily; caution by an employee entering into the contract of employment always is advisable—indemnify their employees for negligence in the scope of employment. Plaintiffs outside the workplace usually are more interested in pursuing employers than employees, because the employer has more money and an insurer. If a plaintiff could pursue an employer's agents, the worker comp bar would be undermined.

The worker comp bar also undoes the largely historical common law "fellow servant" rule, which released an employer from responsibility for an injury inflicted on one employee by another, but thereby cleared the way for an employee to sue a co-worker. Relieving workers of the harsh consequences of that rule in the age of industry was in fact a key reason the worker comp system came about in America.

Why America has a worker comp system, why it remains narrow in scope, and how it's been diminished by reforms in recent decades are all fascinating stories in their own rights. New Zealand's unusually broad accident compensation system, which substantially supersedes tort litigation over accidents, grew out of worker comp reform in the 1970s. Suffice to say here and now, in its core scope of application, worker comp is a "grand bargain" in which employers fund the system proactively in exchange for workers' surrender of tort claims. That's good for workers in theory, but raises, again, the problem that worker compensation schedules have not kept up with the skyrocketing costs of living and healthcare.

Conflict of laws: the worker comp bar is practically universal vis-à-vis employers and their agents. The plaintiff tried as well to circumnavigate the worker comp bar upon the theory that worker compensation was paid by the company's R.I. worker comp insurer, and that the R.I. worker comp bar does not necessarily preclude tort claims in Massachusetts.

The plaintiff was right that Massachusetts law applied to the case.  Upon conflict-of-law analysis to ascertain the state with predominant interest in the matter, the court agreed that an injury in Massachusetts arising from the condition of a premises in Massachusetts drew Massachusetts substantive law to the problem.

Nevertheless, the court recognized the applicability of the R.I. worker comp bar. The Restatement (Second) of Conflict of Laws opines that a worker comp bar should apply to action in any state. And both Rhode Island and Massachusetts observe both the worker comp bar and its application to companies and their agents. Thus, Massachusetts public policy bore no hostility to importation of the R.I. rule, even to prelude tort claims under Massachusetts substantive law.

Premises liability: A landowner cannot be liable to an invitee for a known dangerous condition when the invitee was invited for the very purpose of abating the dangerous condition.  The worker comp bar does not preclude claims against third parties to the employment relationship. The third party is not part of the grand bargain. Indeed, under state law, typically, an employee or a worker comp system in subrogation may allege a third party's responsibility for loss. An employee successful in litigation might owe reimbursement to the worker comp system. Correspondingly, a worker comp system might owe excess recovery to the employee. Here, then, the worker comp bar did not preclude the plaintiff's suit against the landowner in negligence.

The defendant landowner asserted that the dangerous state of the collapsed garage was "open and obvious," thus invoking a historical common law doctrine.  The fuzzy doctrine has been said to mean many things in many scenarios. In the instant case, the defendant invoked the doctrine to say that the obvious risks of the dilapidated garage should relieve the landowner of the usual responsibility owed to a commercial invitee.

Massachusetts no longer recognizes the common law framework that applies different liability rules depending whether a plaintiff's purpose is commercial (invitee) or social (licensee). The contemporary approach is to charge the jury to consider "reasonableness under the circumstances." There might not be a stark practical difference between the old and new approaches, because the common law framework was grounded in the proposition that as a matter of ordinary practice, "reasonable" people conduct themselves differently relative to invitees and social guests, respectively.

Similarly, the contemporary approach is to reject "open and obvious" as any kind of magical incantation. Rather, the openness and obviousness of the risk also is part of what a court and jury can be expected to consider in the reasonableness analysis. Here, the court ruled accordingly that "open and obvious" is not a rule per se.

However, "open and obvious" remains important as a matter of fact. And on these facts, the openness and obviousness of the risk of the collapsed garage proved dispositive—not because of a blanket rule favoring defendants, but because of the specific reason the plaintiff was invited to the property: to abate the very same risk. The court reasoned:

The [cited] authorities encompass the commonsense recognition that a landowner who has a hazardous condition on his or her property may need to invite onto the property another person or persons to remedy that condition. The law, of course, wishes to encourage behavior that remedies hazardous conditions.... And the person engaged to remedy such a hazardous condition differs markedly from an ordinary invitee. For one thing, there usually will be little question that such a person is aware of the danger, and thus there should be no need for warning. Furthermore, such a person will have held him- or herself out as capable of remedying the condition. Under those circumstances, it is reasonable for the law to reallocate the risk of harm from the property owner to the person who has sought to take on, and to alleviate, the hazard.

The case is Ward v. Schnurr, No. 22-P-372 (Mass. App. Ct. Sept. 13, 2023). Justice John Englander wrote the unanimous opinion of a panel that also comprised Justices Henry and Desmond.

Monday, September 25, 2023

Armenia, Azerbaijan maintain tentative ceasefire

Yerevan, Armenia: Opera House at center.
RJ Peltz-Steele CC BY-NC-SA 4.0
At the time of this writing, an uneasy but long sought peace is holding in the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict over the Nagorno-Karabakh region.

Reuters has a good overview of the current situation. The history of the conflict, dating to the Soviet era, defies succinct explication. Suffice to say, hard feelings run deep. It's the kind of conflict that claims the lives of soldiers who were born after it started, the kind of intractable tit for tat that has run so long, no one remembers, as if it would matter, who inflicted the first insult.

Baku, Azerbaijan: me in my happy place.
RJ Peltz-Steele CC BY-NC-SA 4.0
In an offensive last week, Azerbaijan gained control of disputed territory it had possessed on paper but not on the ground. A deal was struck to trade the surrender of separatists for the peaceable integration of ethnic Armenians into Azerbaijan. Still, the peace has been tested by skirmishes and allegations of human rights violations. Armenian and Azerbaijani authorities have traded accusations and threats. Presently, the ceasefire is holding. But ethnic Armenians untrusting of Azerbaijan's pledge or unwilling to be integrated are migrating by the thousands from the disputed region to Armenia.

Armenian flag, near Yerevan
RJ Peltz-Steele CC BY-NC-SA 4.0
I visited both Armenia and Azerbaijan in the spring. I met young veterans on both sides. Some had fared all right with lighter duties. Many had seen hot conflict and bore scars both physical and emotional.

What saddened me most was how much the vets were the same on both sides: good young people whose lives had been upended. They believed in their causes, but could scarcely cite a motivation besides a string of offenses of the other. A few even acknowledged that they saw themselves across the front lines and felt remorse for being thrust into conflict with people their own age, as foreign to the origins of the war as they were. Vets on both sides spoke of their families' fears for their safety and their own fears that if they have children, they will be drafted into the same cycle of war.

Azerbaijani flag, Baku
RJ Peltz-Steele CC BY-NC-SA 4.0
At risk of oversimplifying the conflict with an outsider's lamentation on the futility of it all, how could I not wonder at the opportunity cost in so much energy and so many lives, and at whether or why a political solution cannot be found to end the fear and sacrifice.

I enjoyed my time in both countries immensely. Both countries boast stunning sights, from Armenia's extraordinary Matenadaran, a library of ancient manuscripts in Yerevan (reminding me of my beloved Old Library at Trinity Dublin), and ancient Temple of Garni, to Azerbaijan's Ateshgah Fire Temple and towering Bibi-Heybat Mosque.

RJ Peltz-Steele
CC BY-NC-SA 4.0
In Providence, Rhode Island, this weekend—not meaning to choose sides, but seizing an opportunity—my wife and I went to Armenia Fest RI, where the ex-pat and ethnic Armenian community put on a fabulous celebration of food, music, and culture. The event, on Armenia Street aside the Sts. Vartanantz Armenian Apostolic Church, was well attended despite a pouring rain. Here are some images (RJ Peltz-Steele CC BY-NC-SA 4.0), savory and sweet.





Thursday, September 7, 2023

Denying public access to crash data, did state agency prioritize fear of litigation over public safety?

Map of bicycle and pedestrian accidents
in Providence, R.I., 2009-17, from
Providence Great Streets Master Plan (2020)

Rhode Island authorities appear to have denied public access to road safety data for no reason better than protecting the state from litigation.

For The Providence Journal, Amy Russo reported in June (subscription) on a dispute between the nonprofit advocacy group Providence Streets Coalition (PSC) and the Rhode Island Department of Transportation (RIDOT). According to the story, RIDOT denied a PSC request under state public records law for access to crash data.

To justify the denial, RIDOT pointed to federal law and state court precedent allowing denial of a public record request when a litigant seeks to support a negligence claim against the government, Russo reported. But there is no litigation related to the PSC request.

The relevant rule seems to be of the kind known to some freedom of information acts (FOIAs) that seeks to keep the FOIA process apart from discovery in litigation. Such provisions are not necessarily hostile to public access, but ensure that FOIAs don't undermine civil procedure. Usually a litigant in discovery has better access to relevant government-defendant records than a public-record requester has because FOIA exemptions from access don't apply. Sensitive information that might be FOIA-exempt can be subject to a protective order under the rules of civil procedure, but still must be disclosed.

It rather turns the rule on its head, then, for RIDOT to resist disclosure when there is no alternative track in discovery for the requester to demand access. If that's indeed what happened, then RIDOT is almost certainly overreaching. The state has ample protection from lawsuits in sovereign immunity. Typically, states cannot be sued merely for failure to act affirmatively to ensure public safety, nor for exercising discretion to prioritize public safety relative to finite resources.

Rather, a litigant must show that officials were bound to follow a specific legal standard and negligently failed to do so. If that's what's going on, then lawsuits are precisely the appropriate mechanism for injured persons to see their interests vindicated and the state held accountable.

Whatever RIDOT's motive, withholding vital safety data from the public is plainly at cross-purposes with public interest. Russo's story observed that other states, "including Texas, Colorado, Florida, California, and Massachusetts," make crash data public. She interviewed Eric Jackson, head of the Connecticut Transportation Institute and Transportation Safety Research Center at the University of Connecticut, which partnered with the Connecticut Department of Transportation to build a public crash database in 2010.

Connecticut did worry that "attorneys and ambulance chasers are going to come after us and basically say you have the data that's showing you where crashes are occurring," Jackson said. But "[s]o far, ... that hasn't come to fruition."

And Jackson pointed out what should be obvious: If the problem is road safety, then secreting data is hardly the answer.

The PSC-RIDOT matter won't come to court, Russo wrote, because PSC obtained the data it wanted from the City of Providence.

The story is Amy Russo, A Providence Organization Wanted Crash Data To Make Streets Safer. RIDOT Said It's Private, Providence J. (June 26, 2023) (subscription).

Saturday, April 15, 2023

Students join labor demands for living wage at RISD

(UPDATE, April 18: Labor and RISD reached a tentative agreement, Wazlavek tweeted last night.)

The Rhode Island School of Design—famous alumni include Seth MacFarlane, BFA '95 (Family Guy, The Orville)—has lately been embroiled in a labor dispute.

I saw, and heard, protestors yesterday morning when I drove to the nearby Providence Amtrak station. They made plenty of noise, yet in an artsy, celebratory way. You really don't want to mess with creative types. With faculty support, students are demonstrating alongside custodians.

An attorney-alum of my torts and comparative law classes is working on the matter from the Teamsters side. Aaron Wazlavek (SSRN) has been on site this week.  (Video NSFW: adult language. That's just how labor rolls.)

According to arts independent Hyperallergic, "[c]urrently, the average wage of a RISD custodian, groundskeeper, or mover is $16.74 per hour. The lowest wage is $15.30. Teamsters Local 251 has fought for a $20 minimum wage ...."

The living wage for one adult with no children in Providence County, Rhode Island, is $17.42/hr., according to the MIT calculator.  The minimum wage in Rhode Island is $13/hr.

In March, New York University law students made headlines demanding a choice between credit hours and an hourly wage for work on law review. 

The New York students have a point. I've long been critical of unpaid internships. Nowadays, U.S. law schools require free labor in many guises. Call it "field placement," "externship," "pro bono"—even new lawyers are expected to "volunteer" before they can get paying jobs. It's all subversion of the simple principle that one should be paid for one's work. Corporations and employers delight in pushing American work-life balance in the wrong direction. The legal education system and accrediting American Bar Association are complicit.

The set rate for student labor—when we pay in real money; I just hired a research assistant for the fall—at UMass Law in south-coast Massachusetts is $15/hr. The living wage for one adult with no children in Bristol County, Massachusetts, is $17.88, according to the MIT calculator.

Latest reports suggest that RISD and labor will find a middle ground between $15 and $20. I hope it's at least halfway.

Friday, January 27, 2023

We're losing the war on heart disease

Last week, my wife's life was at risk because we did not understand that women in heart distress do not necessarily experience the symptoms one might expect; indeed, they might have no chest pain at all.

My wife, a law librarian at Roger Williams University, is now home from Rhode Island Hospital (RIH) after a scary and unpleasant five nights. She will be OK.

But two weeks ago, she was misdiagnosed by her primary care provider. We too thought she was suffering only a stomach inflammation. In fact, she was experiencing a cardiac event.

Pixabay CC0
A week later, when primary care failed to yield an explanation and the pain became intolerable, we went to the ER.

My hat's off to the staff at RIH. In the ER, they respectfully heard out our recitation of symptoms and amateur self-diagnoses, erroneous as it turned out, and nonetheless rapidly and tenaciously checked out the heart. In the blood work, they discovered enzymes indicative of heart-muscle damage at 500 times normal levels. Our primary care provider had not tested for that.

You're going to hear a lot about women's heart health in the coming weeks, because February 3 is National Wear Red Day, a project of the American Heart Association (AHA) that kicks off American Heart Month. But I've known about Wear Read Day, and I've even worn red. I've known that symptoms of women's heart trouble are elusive. Still, I did not recognize the cause of my wife's distress. So this message can't be delivered early or often enough.

The day my wife came home, the January/February AARP Bulletin landed on our doorstep with the cover story, "America's War Against Heart Disease." A subhead reads, "75 years after it started, we’re losing the battle against our number 1 killer."

This isn't just news for seniors. Sari Harrar reported, "Death rates from heart disease rose 8.5 percent for adults ages 45 to 64 between 2010 and 2020." My wife is under 50.

The AHA says that women with any of these symptoms should "call 911 and get to a hospital right away":

  1. Uncomfortable pressure, squeezing, fullness or pain in the center of your chest. It lasts more than a few minutes, or goes away and comes back.
  2. Pain or discomfort in one or both arms, the back, neck, jaw or stomach.
  3. Shortness of breath with or without chest discomfort.
  4. Other signs such as breaking out in a cold sweat, nausea or lightheadedness.
  5. As with men, women’s most common heart attack symptom is chest pain or discomfort. But women may experience other symptoms that are typically less associated with heart attack, such as shortness of breath, nausea/vomiting and back or jaw pain.

Our home pharmacy since my wife came home.
RJ Peltz-Steele CC BY-NC-SA 4.0
Harrar reported particularly on the risk-compounding factor of gender.

For decades, women were underrepresented in clinical trials and their heart attack symptoms dismissed in emergency rooms as stomach pain or even emotional problems. The [AHA] published its first treatment guidelines for women in 1999, but it's taken longer for science to discover that the anatomy and electrical pathways of the female heart are unique, which may help explain why a woman's heart attack symptoms can be different from a man's.

Yet women's heart health is still understudied, according to a 2022 review of research in the journal Circulation Research, and women's heart attack warning signs are too often overlooked....

... [H]ealth professionals seem to have the same difficulty identifying heart disease in women: The same study found that when women suffering heart attacks arrive at an emergency room, they experience longer wait times ....  Another study found that women tend to wait longer before calling 911 when they're having a heart attack—up to 37 minutes longer.

This is not so simple as a problem of bias in perspective. All of my wife's doctors in primary care and at RIH were women. But the primary care providers failed to check out the heart, and the ER doc picked up on the possibility immediately.

Farrar's reporting showed that socioeconomics, race, and ethnicity further compound the problem of under-diagnosed or misdiagnosed heart disease. There might be real genetic differences based in race, but they cannot explain a 21% higher mortality rate for African-American adults over white adults, nor the increase in that gap over time, and a higher incidence of heart disease in Hispanic women and men over white women and men.

There are many viable explanations for disparities in outcome by race and ethnicity, importantly including consequences of wealth disparity, such as access to healthy food. But costs and fear of costs no doubt lead the pack of problems.

My family is fortunate to have access to healthcare. Insurance is available to us through both of our employers, which pay a portion of the premiums. Co-pays and deductibles for us are expensive, but manageable. 

The Rhode Island Hospital complex.
Kenneth C. Zirkel via Wikimedia Commons CC BY-SA 4.0
We don't yet have explanations of benefits for this bout of healthcare. But for an anecdotal point of comparison, a two-night hospitalization last year, with no surgical procedures, billed about $13,000 to our insurance. We were responsible for about $1,500. That's not going to stop us from going to the ER, but it will cause many people to pause. And lower-premium plans available through the Affordable Care Act can have much higher deductibles than ours.

A New York Times investigation featured on The Daily podcast this week opened with the story of a woman who stalled her emergency care for fear of costs. After at last seeking help and being hospitalized, she was responsible for a $1,900 tab. But that was too much for her fixed income. She struggled to meet even the demand of a payment plan while still buying food.

Alas, the Daily story was not even about costs. Rather, the investigation revealed that that patient's experience represented a prevalent norm at "nonprofit" hospitals that, by law, are not supposed to charge anything to people who can't afford it.

Some numbers about the Washington hospital highlighted in that story: Annual revenue: $27 billion. Tax break for "nonprofit" status: $1 billion. CEO's annual salary: $10 million.

The patient in the story was given a payment plan, but never an option not to pay. She prioritized the payments over her groceries because she felt indebted to the hospital for having saved her life. She imagined her money going to the staff who took care of her.

We are fortunate also because we live in the small state of Rhode Island and are only a short drive away from hospitals in Providence. Rural healthcare in America is another matter. In the Louisiana town where my wife grew up, and we still have family, the closest hospital is 70 miles away, and it's no tribute to cutting-edge technology.

On The Takeaway from WNYC this week, Harold Miller, president of the Center for Healthcare Quality and Payment Reform, explained why more than 600, or nearly 30% of rural hospitals nationwide are at risk of closing, and 141 have closed since 2010.

A federal aid package to save rural healthcare might be well intentioned but is misguided, Miller said, because to be eligible, a hospital must shut down its inpatient services. But there are no resources to transport patients to larger urban hospitals hours away. The urban hospitals don't have the capacity for that influx anyway. The resulting healthcare system we are now creating would have failed catastrophically had it been in place during the pandemic, when inpatient capacity was stretched to the limit. And that's to say nothing of separating patients from their families by long distances.

It's critical that every person, man and woman, be enlisted in the war on heart disease. Everyone especially should be on guard for the risk to women that might not be easily identified by symptoms. We're going to have to rely on ourselves and one another all the more with a healthcare system that is inconsistently resourced and increasingly ill equipped for the fight.

Monday, September 26, 2022

Governor's proposed pay hikes evince typical bureaucratic ignorance of how working people earn

Governor Dan McKee
(Kenneth C. Zirkel CC BY-SA 4.0 via Wikimedia)
Rhode Island Governor Dan McKee's proposal for huge increases to state administrators' pay, on the scale of revising $135,000 upward to $190,000, shows ignorance of how ordinary working people earn.

Our present condition of oppressive inflation has us all thinking a lot about pay. For ordinary working people in America, the only way to avoid an effective pay reduction over time is to change jobs. (Hat tip at my wife for putting words to that observation.) Employers demand "team" or "family" loyalty, 24/7 availability, and uncompensated overtime. But the loyal employee winds up being underpaid for overworking.

Raises don't keep up with inflation, if there are raises at all. In my own compulsorily union job, 2% raises are the contract standard. That rate tracks inflation for about the last 10 years, on average, but not for the preceding 10 years, when the union negotiated the rate, nor for the present year. The union admonishes that the university would give zero were it not for, of course, the union, so workers should be grateful for losing less badly. Then when the pandemic hit, the union asked for bigger pay cuts than the university proposed. So the union lost all credibility with me.

The "family" loyalty employers demand works only one way. At the first sign of hardship, jobs are cut; people in the lower ranks are disposable. Business cries out for relief form taxpayers, even as bottom lines bulge. Profiteering, not necessity, is pushing the present inflation, and there is no will in Washington for protection against price gouging. No wonder some workers are at last wising up to "quiet quitting," which is not quitting at all.

I make OK money, less than market rate for what I do, and less than I was promised since my employer, with union assent, reneged on an agreement, but a lot more than most Rhode Islanders. And I think I'm pretty good at what I do. You can't help but learn something with 25 years' experience.

Yet if I left my job, my employer would be pleased to replace me with someone lacking experience and paid two-thirds or less. Indeed, the norm in legal academia, in step with the private marketplace, is to prefer a 20-something lawyer out of a clerkship over a lateral candidate. At that, there would be young people lined up for my job, eager to be part of the "family," and understandably so in a market that has long forgotten what it means to negotiate terms of employment. I cannot move laterally even if I take the pay cut, because it's not just the discount price employers are after. They want a newly beholden member of the "family."

That's the reality for most American workers: employers expecting commitment and performance akin to indentured servitude from people who work cheap because they know they're easily replaceable for less.

So when I see pay raises of the kind that Governor McKee is proposing, supposedly for the purpose of recruitment and retention, I am outraged. In this New England market, there are plenty of bright, talented people right out of university, law and graduate school, some of them my former students, who are eager to test their skills in public leadership. The present $135,000 pay, double the average state salary, would be a dream offer.

That's not to say, of course, that I wouldn't rather see the market treat people fairly and reward talent and experience. I would rather that everyone in the workforce had pension security, not just public sector workers regardless of merit, willing to commit to one job and place for 20 years; that everyone had access to high-quality healthcare, not just people who let an employer walk all over them because they're afraid of dying from a recurred cancer if they change insurers; and that everyone would have the opportunity to earn a living wage in fewer than 40 hours per week.

But that's not our world. Well, not our country. So in the meantime, I don't care to see public-sector leaders privileged by terms of employment they are unable or unwilling to establish for the rest of us.

McKee's Republican opponent accused him of buying votes. I'm not sure that's true. There aren't enough state department heads to turn an election, and I doubt they have that much sway behind the curtain over the voters who work for them. 

I think it more likely that McKee has calculated that in the present political climate, his reelection as a Rhode Island Democrat is effectively a done deal. So he has the political capital to spend to shore up loyalty in an executive branch that he claimed this term by succession rather than election. (Independents such as me are barred from primary voting in Rhode Island, so I've had no say yet.)

Either way, raises for already well compensated state leaders will be an insult to taxpayers.

Saturday, July 16, 2022

'Civil death,' denial of tort claims, violates prisoners' right of access to courts, R.I. high court holds

N.C. State Archives public domain photo via Wikimedia Commons
The Rhode Island Supreme Court in March struck down the state "civil death" statute, which disallowed civil claims by inmates imprisoned for life.

The statute at issue states:

Every person imprisoned in the adult correctional institutions for life shall, with respect to all rights of property, to the bond of matrimony and to all civil rights and relations of any nature whatsoever, be deemed to be dead in all respects, as if his or her natural death had taken place at the time of conviction. However, the bond of matrimony shall not be dissolved, nor shall the rights to property or other rights of the husband or wife of the imprisoned person be terminated or impaired, except on the entry of a lawfully obtained decree for divorce.

Alleging negligent maintenance, one plaintiff-inmate complained "that his arm was severely burned and permanently disfigured when he made contact with an exposed hot water pipe at the [prison]." Another alleged negligence when he slipped and fell after being compelled "to walk across an icy walkway at the [prison]." The trial court rejected both claims as barred by the "civil death" statute.

I was shocked to read of this case in my home state's Providence Journal; I never had heard of a "civil death" statute. The R.I. ACLU provided some background:

Rhode Island was apparently the only state in the country still enforcing a law like this, whose origins date back to ancient English common law. As far back as 1976, a court struck down Missouri's civil death statute, noting that "the concept of civil death has been condemned by virtually every court and commentator to study it over the last thirty years." The court observed that such laws had been characterized even before then as "archaic," "outmoded," "an outdated and inscrutable common law precept," and "a medieval fiction in a modern world." In 1937, when 18 states still had civil death laws, a law review article called the concept "outworn."

Applying the 1843 state constitution (article 1, section 5), a four-justice majority of the Rhode Island Supreme Court had little trouble reaching the conclusion that I thought was obvious, that the law violates the fundamental due process right of access to the courts.

Justice Lynch Prata
(via Ballotpedia)
Employing strict scrutiny, the court acknowledged that "civil death"

functions as an additional sanction imposed upon some of the state's worst criminals and furthers the goals of punishment and deterrence. This Court has recognized that "[t]he loss of civil status as a form of punishment is a principle that dates back to ancient societies." .... However, it is our opinion that this particular additional punishment is not a compelling reason to override the right of access to the courts that is textually guaranteed by the Rhode Island Constitution.

Justice Goldberg
(via Ballotpedia)
Even were the statute supported by a compelling state interest, it is not narrowly drawn, the court further opined, as it fails to distinguish between prisoners based on their eligibility for parole.

Justice Maureen McKenna Goldberg dissented. "Prison inmates, especially life prisoners, are not entitled to the same degree of constitutional rights as are members of society at large," she wrote, "and that includes the right to bring tort claims against the warden for a slip and fall or a burned hand." She would have narrowed the question to the plaintiffs' negligence claims and upheld the statute.

"In my more than two decades of service on this Court, I cannot recall ever having declared a statute to be unconstitutional," Justice Goldberg opined. "[T]his should not be the first case with such a drastic result in light of our longstanding jurisprudence."

The case is Zab v. R.I. Department of Corrections, No. 2019-459-Appeal (R.I. Mar. 2, 2022). Justice Erin Lynch Prata wrote the majority opinion.

A former state senator Judge Prata was nominated to the court by Governor Gina Raimondo in December 2020, just three months before she left office to become the U.S. Secretary of Commerce. Justice Lynch Prata is 2000 graduate of Catholic Law, for which I periodically teach as a visitor. Judge Goldberg is the senior-most justice on the court, having served since her appointment in 1997.

Sunday, July 10, 2022

Burgundian Liège Belgian waffles melt in mouth

The Burgundian, Attleboro, Mass.
(All photos RJ Peltz-Steele CC BY-NC-SA 4.0.)
Following up my post last week about an IP/contract battle between Massachusetts makers of Belgian waffles, I felt I should—nay, I felt I must, as an objective researcher in the savory social sciences—travel to the Burgundian of Attleboro, Mass., and sample the waffle products myself. I did so yesterday.

Burgundian's classy, European-esque interior
Alas, my investigation did little to draw me toward one conclusion or another on the merits of the case. But I can confirm that Shane Matlock's Burgundian waffles are the most scrumptious morsels of doughy goodness that ever have crossed my lips.

Chicken and waffles, the southern classic that I didn't know about before I married a Louisianan.
Yet I've never had it better, now, than here in New England.
Not pictured: my wife's burger and fries and a couple of local beers on draft.

 

"Banana churros" dessert at the Burgundian.
Yeah, that happened. I'm not proud.

As long as I'm confessing my sin of gluttony today, a shout out to a post-pandemic-new and exceptional establishment in my home state of Rhode Island, Hunky Dory in Warren. My wife confirms that this "southern-influenced celebration of New England" from dachshund Sherbert's parents Sam—himself of "southern mama and Appalachian dad"—and Bay Stater Joanna delivers on its promise.

The "veggie and sweet potato hash" feat. "smoked poblano crema,"
and a "basic brunch" at Hunky Dory, Warren, R.I.
We devoured "Mom's zucchini bread" before I could snap a picture.


The outdoor patio at Hunky Dory with its thriving vegetable garden
We can't wait to go back for dinner. Bon appétit.

Monday, February 28, 2022

R.I. Capitol, 'SNL' signal stand with Ukraine

My state capitol in azure and gold:

On a less softhearted note, I was not happy with some of the sentiments from Uprise RI in the state-capital rally. To my eye, too many demonstrators were more interested in evidencing apathy by demanding U.S. non-intervention than in expressing any empathy or support for Ukraine.  This selfishness, no less a nationalism on the left than on the right, reminds me why I have long refused to register with the Libertarian Party, even if I am a small-l libertarian.  Libertarianism should not mean isolationism; even objectivism does not utterly eschew the common defense.  I wish we lived in a world of peace and daisies, but that's delusional.  There is such a thing as jus ad bellum.

Anyway, hats off to Saturday Night Live, which hit a right chord with a classy cold open this past weekend.

The situation at the Polish border is both a growing humanitarian crisis and a burgeoning source of stirring stories of compassion.  I hope to write more on that soon as I hear from friends there.

Tuesday, October 5, 2021

Unregulated, 'Dark Waters' chemicals persist in cookware, clothing, sickening people, environment

Comedian and social critic John Oliver's latest top story on HBO's Last Night concerned PFAS, the artificial chemical substances behind non-stick coatings on cookware and incorporated into food wrappings and textiles, known to be highly dangerous to human health.


The stuff persists, Oliver explained, in new, unregulated, and unlabeled formulations, despite a horrific track record of illness, from obesity to terminal cancer, and environmental damage.  Oliver related recent history by quoting parts of the landmark New York Times Magazine feature by Nathaniel Rich in 2016, "The Lawyer Who Became Dupont's Worst Nightmare."  That piece inspired the unsettling 2019 feature film Dark Waters.  Oliver also excerpted a 2018 documentary, The Devil We Know.

PFAS, a "forever chemical" that persists in the environment for thousands of years, is now in the blood of virtually all Americans.  Food wrappings and clothing are our greatest risk, Oliver explained, and there is no labeling to warn us.

I just caught this on a spot-check. Adiós, sartén.
In my household, since Dark Waters brought the issue to our attention, we've exclusively adopted silicone tools to use with non-stick-coated cookware.  And at the first sign of scratching, out goes the pan or pot: a pricey luxury we are lucky to be able to afford, while we only worsen the environmental problem.  We have lately been investigating non-stick alternatives, and Oliver has ignited the gas burner under us to get moving on that.

PFAS is in the water supply, too, sometimes in alarming doses, 70 parts per trillion (ppt) being the EPA's recommended maximum concentration in drinking water.  Oliver pointed viewers to a "PFAS Contamination" interactive map created by the NGO Environmental Working Group.  The map is intriguing and informative to play around with, as it compiles water quality data from around the country.

But the most frightening takeaway from the map is the data it does not contain.  Data collection is hit or miss.  The closest results to me in East Bay Rhode Island come from a small school serving only 40 persons (4 ppt), a Massachusetts water district serving 13,627 persons (20 ppt), and the Pawtucket (R.I.) water system, serving 99,200 persons and reporting a PFAS excess at 74 ppt.

My local water authority, Bristol County (BCWA), says my water rather comes from Providence, which is not on the EWG data map, and where water quality reports appear to be missing.  It further undermines my confidence in the system that BCWA has been wanting to build a pipeline to Pawtucket, which offers, BCWA says, "another source of excellent quality water."

At last, Europe is moving ahead with regulation; I hope that will spur the United States to follow suit.

[UPDATE, 17 Oct. 2021:  Providence Water sent me a copy of the 2020 Water Quality Report in the mail. As anticipated by Oliver, there is no mention in the report of PFAS.]

Thursday, September 23, 2021

Legislative privilege shields Raimondo records against trucker subpoena in dormant Commerce Clause case

Toll gantry on a bridge in Washington
(Flickr by Wash. State DOT CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
The First Circuit has quashed a subpoena against Rhode Island state officials, including now-U.S. Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo, in a dormant Commerce Clause lawsuit over highway tolls supporting infrastructure.

Back in the 2010s, under the leadership of then-Governor Gina Raimondo (I'm a fan), my home state of Rhode Island was looking for cash to help with infrastructure needs.  The smallest state and an essential throughway for road and rail traffic in the vital I-95 corridor of America's Atlantic coast, "Ocean State" Rhode Island bears a burden in maintaining highway and bridge infrastructure that is disproportionately larger than the state's tax base.  The Raimondo administration installed a network of electronic truck tolls to beef up coffers.

My family travels often up and down the east coast to visit relatives, and the parade of tolls through the Atlantic states adds up to a significant expense.  But there are no passenger-car tolls in Rhode Island.  States that wish to impose tolls on federal highways had to strike a sort of deal with the devil, the devil being Uncle Sam, and Rhode Island, exemplifying founder Roger Williams's independent streak, opted out.  We held ourselves clear of Uncle Sam's sticky fingers, but then we found ourselves undermined by potholes and overrun with decaying bridges.

So when I heard about the Raimondo truck-toll plan, I admit, it sounded great to me.  The possible dormant Commerce Clause issue did gather in the dark recesses of my mind.  Anyone who tells you that we Rhode Islanders were not keen to have through-trucks pay their fair share for wear and tear on our roads and nerves as we circulate on our congested connectors is lying.  If the boon could be had without adding to my family's toll bills, I was willing to suppress any nagging concern I might have otherwise about a made-up constitutional rule.

Lawyers for the trade industry in trucking were not so generous of mind or pocket, and, after the tolls went live in 2018, they sued.  The plaintiffs argue violation of the dormant Commerce Clause, the constitutional theory that implies a federal prohibition on state action that excessively burdens interstate commerce even when Congress has not legislated a prohibition under its Article I power.

The First Circuit explained, "the Supreme Court has recently reiterated that the dormant Commerce Clause 'reflect[s] a "central concern of the Framers that was an immediate reason for calling the Constitutional Convention: the conviction that in order to succeed, the new Union would have to avoid the tendencies toward economic Balkanization that had plagued relations among the Colonies and later among the States under the Articles of Confederation"'" (quoting 2005 and 2019 precedents).

Flickr by Taber Andrew Bain CC BY 2.0
If the truckers can show that Rhode Island officials calculated the tolling program to burden out-of-state payers while sparing Rhode Islanders, the showing will strengthen—but significantly, not dispositively prove—the plaintiff position in the dormant Commerce Clause analysis.  I've kind of already admitted that burdening through-traffic was my reason for liking the toll program, but I'm just a taxpayer.  Unfortunately, there are some public statements by state officials indicating that they viewed the tolls the same way.

The plaintiff-truckers understandably want to dig deeper.  So they sent subpoenas to state officials, including the Office of the Governer and legislators, and to CDM Smith, a key private consultant to the state in the toll program, "RhodeWorks."  The First Circuit enumerated:

Specifically, the subpoenas sought materials relating to: (1) any efforts to mitigate the economic impact on Rhode Island citizens; (2) the expected or actual impact of the toll caps on in-state vs. out-of-state truckers; (3) the expected or actual impact of tolling only certain classes of trucks on in-state vs. out-of-state truckers; (4) the potential impact on interstate commerce; (5) alternative methods for raising funds; (6) drafts of RhodeWorks and related, failed bills, including mark-ups, comments, red-lines, revisions, etc.; (7) communications between the former Governor and legislators regarding RhodeWorks or other methods of raising funds; and (8) the public statements made by the movants and others.

State officials argued that legislative privilege required quashing of the subpoenas.  The district court was willing to override the privileges, ruling that the discovery interest outweighed officials' need of confidentiality in deliberative process.  On interlocutory appeal, the First Circuit disagreed and reversed.

The First Circuit began its discussion with the Speech or Debate Clause of the federal Constitution.  That's interesting, because the D.C. Circuit just recently applied the clause to thwart the efforts of Judicial Watch to probe the congressional investigation of the Trump Administration.  That decision made waves in the FOI community not so much for the result, but for a passionate concurrence in which U.S. Circuit Judge Karen LeCraft Henderson thoughtfully indulged the potential scope of common law access to the legislature.

However, the First Circuit opined:

Assertions of legislative immunity and privilege by state lawmakers stand on different footing. For starters, they are governed by federal common law rather than the Speech or Debate Clause, which by its terms applies only to federal legislators.... And the common-law legislative immunity and privilege are less protective than their constitutional counterparts....  That is because the separation-of-powers rationale underpinning the Speech or Debate Clause does not apply when it is a state lawmaker claiming legislative immunity or privilege.

In other words, the court recognized a constitutional constraint in horizontal separation of powers, but not, here, in vertical separation of powers, or federalism.  Nevertheless, the court reasoned that "federal common law" was constrained by the principle of comity, "[a]nd the interests in legislative independence served by the Speech or Debate Clause remain relevant."

The court was not impressed with the truckers' assertion that a federal interest in dormant Commerce Clause enforcement bolstered the private cause of action.

[Plaintiff's] argument suggests a broad exception overriding the important comity considerations that undergird the assertion of a legislative privilege by state lawmakers. Many cases in federal courts assert violations of federal law by state legislators who are not joined as parties to the litigation. Were we to find the mere assertion of a federal claim sufficient, even one that addresses a central concern of the Framers, the privilege would be pretty much unavailable largely whenever it is needed.

Here it mattered that the Governor's and lawmakers' alleged discriminatory intentions would not be dispositive of the constitutional question.  Rather, the court opined, the Supreme Court has emphasized the primacy of discriminatory effect over discriminatory purpose in dormant Commerce Clause analysis.  Intentions would prove only the latter and not necessarily amount to a constitutional offense.  Moreover, the court recited a familiar conundrum in the construction of legislative intent, that individual motives do not necessarily reveal the purpose of "the legislature as a whole."

In sum, even assuming that a state's legislative privilege might yield in a civil suit brought by a private party in the face of an important federal interest, the need for the discovery requested here is simply too little to justify such a breach of comity. At base, this is a case in which the proof is very likely in the eating, and not in the cook's intentions.

The court refused, however, to quash the subpoena against the private consultant, CDM Smith, even if state records might be revealed.  The provision of state records to a third party diminished the claim of privilege, the court reasoned, and thus rendered the question unripe for interlocutory appeal.

The case is American Trucking Associations, Inc. v. Alviti, No. 20-2120 (1st Cir. Sept. 21, 2021).  U.S. Circuit Judge William Kayatta wrote the opinion for a unanimous panel that also comprised U.S. Circuit Judge O. Rogeriee Thompson, a Rhode Islander, and, sitting by designation, U.S. District of Massachusetts Judge Douglas P. Woodlock.